Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas <p>.....</p> Africa Research Institute at the Doctoral School of Safety and Security Sciences, University of Óbuda en-US Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2786-1902 <div>Licensing and Copyright Policy</div> <div> </div> <div>JCEEAS strives to ensure that all materials on this website represent the original work of the listed author(s). However, the Journal provides no warranty regarding the accuracy or completeness of the material and disclaims any responsibility for it. Users should not rely solely on the information presented and are encouraged to verify details with the authors directly.</div> <div> </div> <div>All articles published in JCEEAS are open access and licensed under <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/legalcode.en">Creative Commons 4.0 BY</a> standards. 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The Sahel has emerged as the epicentre of violent extremism in the world according to the Institute for Economic and Peace`s 2024 Global Terrorism Index. The resurgence of military coups in the region further adds to the political dynamics of the region. The intervention of ECOWAS and the AU to restore constitutional order and the counteraction of the military juntas have resulted to the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States in the Sahel which has implications for regional integration in Africa in general. This study adopts a qualitative research strategy and case study design to examine the resurgence of military coups in the Sahel. It is based on desk review, particularly data sources such as Google scholar. The findings reveal that the resurgence of military coups in the Sahel region has implications for regional integration and the objective of unity of the African Union. Military coups in the Sahel have raised the stakes and challenges for Africa unity via regional integration by complicating the role of the regional institution, ECOWAS and ultimately the African Union. It posits that revisiting the foundational discourse of African unity and integration that is the Casablanca-Monrovia and Brazzaville debates is essential to understanding the current political dynamics in the Sahel region.</p> Cedrick Zuo-Kom Kibang Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 5 19 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.289 Terrorism as a factor geopolitical restructuring in the Sahel region https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/274 <p>Since the beginning of the new millennium, extremism has emerged as a major challenge facing the African continent. This phenomenon significantly impedes economic and political development, prompting individual states to fight terrorism through various initiatives. Despite these efforts, tangible results have been elusive due to the transfer of extremist ideologies across state borders, leading to external interventions under the guise of the “fight against terrorism in the Sahel.” Although jihadist terrorist groups have long been present in Africa, the Sahel countries and African organizations have not adopted effective strategies to combat violent extremism. Since 2011, terrorist organizations have seized control of areas in the Sahel, with Boko Haram conducting numerous operations that threaten regional security and stability.</p> <p>In response, African organizations such as the African Union and regional bodies have implemented policies and initiatives aimed at curbing the spread of violent extremism through military interventions and economic and social development projects in the Sahel. These efforts include alliances like the Lake Chad Basin Commission and G5 Sahel, comprising five Sahel countries. Given the regional and international ramifications of extremism on Western interests and economically powerful states, African nations and organizations have engaged in serious cooperation with the international community and major powers. This collaboration includes efforts with the United Nations, France, and other entities in peacekeeping missions and initiatives to combat terrorism and extremism. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p> <p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Africa, Sahel, geopolitics, terrorism, war, counterterrorism, military intervention, security.&nbsp;</p> Mady Ibrahim Kante Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 20 33 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.274 Coordinated U.S. Foreign Assistance and Effective Counterterrorism in Africa https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/294 <p>The international community can better partner with African countries and more effectively counter and prevent terrorism in Africa by implementing two changes to U.S. strategy. First, by crafting strategies that counter the kinetic and non-kinetic operations of al Qaeda and ISIS affiliated groups that allow for their territorial expansion and control. Second, by better coordinating U.S. foreign aid/development with security assistance and security cooperation efforts and conducting them with the partner country in a way that supports partner civilian and military institutions.</p> <p>At current, U.S. security assistance efforts better connect to and strengthen the military/security apparatus than U.S. development assistance efforts do - this is due to risk averse bureaucracy that ultimately erodes democratic structures and processes rather than strengthening them. Additionally, U.S. tendencies to work directly with civil society organizations may not strengthen civil society pathways to ministries or the relevant offices at the district or national levels. U.S. and other international partners should work through and support a hub where local civil society and local level authorities can engage with and work with the district and national level governments. This strategy will strengthen good governance and democratic institutions.</p> <p>Additionally, terrorism prevention and counterterrorism strategies that directly address and are formed in response to both active kinetic and non-kinetic operations of (al Qaeda and ISIS-affiliated) terrorist groups will better protect civilians as well as implementors of development and security assistance.</p> Tammy Palacios Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 34 52 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.294 Dr Coup d’état in West Africa https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/298 <p>Recent developments in some West African countries are a classic case of reversal of democratic rule and have raised doubts about the feasibility of democracy in Africa. This study examines the factors that have led to the resurgence of coups d'état and the possibility of constructing a new typology of coups d'état and military rule in 21st century Africa. Documented data sources were used for the study and the method of analysis was content analysis. The study compared the nature and characteristics of recent coups with those of the past and the predominant causes. The study made an attempt to identify the gap in the theories by examining the various theories on military interventions, postulating an alternative theory that can better explain the current phenomenon different from those of the 1980s. The study is an early warning that military rule could re-emerge in West Africa and Africa.</p> Babayo Sule Noah Echa Attah Usman Sambo Bala Lummo Kachalla Seroala Tsoeu-Ntokoane Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-05 2025-02-05 4 3-4 53 73 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.298 The Escalation of the Iran-Israel conflict https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/252 <p align="JUSTIFY">Like the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the conflict between Israel and Iran-supported Hamas, has had a tremendous impact on the continent.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">As the war lasted and both sides showed a blatant disregard for international law, international humanitarian law and human rights, African response has been sterner and more entrenched.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">The bombing of Iran's consulate in Damascus and lack of condemnation thereof, combined with Iran's retaliation against Israel, usually described as both bold and restrained, will likely play in Iran's favour while encouraging anti-westernism.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">Both Israel and Palestine have been counting their allies. That ambiguity ceased to be tenable has played against Israel, and will continue to do so. Until now, only Cameroon, DRC, Morocco, the Seychelles, and vulnerable/dependent countries such as South Sudan and Malawi have been firmly standing with Israel. Pressure will now intensify on Israel's allies and supports.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">Meanwhile, countries that had unofficial relations with Israel (Libya, Mauritania, Somalia) desisted, except for Sudan. Algeria, Namibia and South Africa led the charge against Israel at the ICJ and the UNSC.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">That war was already an opportunity for Iran to launch a wide diplomatic offensive through Africa, including improved relations with Algeria and South Africa. Djibouti and Sudan reestablished diplomatic relations, while talks are ongoing with Somalia. Relations are at an all time high with the new Sahel States Alliance. Iran will find her diplomatic offensive on the continent still easier to lead.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">Meanwhile, the rekindling of support for the Palestinian cause and Israel's appalling conduct in Gaza have greatly strengthened and emboldened terrorist groups throughout Africa. Somalia's PM speech praising Hamas had decided some within the federal army to defect in favour of Al Shabaab.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">Finally, disruptions in the Red Sea are more likely than ever to subside and disrupt trade for all African states bordering it, from Egypt to Somalia.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">The tussle over foreign naval bases on the Eastern African coast will also grow more fierce. It is however unlikely at this time that Sudan will either fully normalize relations with Israel or fully side with Iran by granting it a naval base.</p> <p align="JUSTIFY">All these trends, that grew stronger by the day as the war in Gaza lasted and intensified and as the ICJ has pointed to a plausible genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza strip, will only amplify as Hamas-backer Iran and Israel are likely to keep striking each other directly - or even escalate the conflict into a full-blown war.</p> Mathieu Gotteland Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 74 97 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.252 Contemporary security threats in Africa https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/231 <p>The analysis of potential and actual security threats and challenges leads us to the conclusion that Africa is one of the most endangered continents. Constant confrontations, wars, internal political crises, local and international terrorism, organized crime, illegal trade, and other threats on the one hand and, on the other hand, an inadequate response from both individual states and the international community. Is Africa, a continent rich in ores and minerals as well as other possibilities, a training ground for the dominance of superpowers? Are internal instabilities mainly caused by external influences to ensure puppet governments that do not care about the interests of the state and society they represent, but about theinterests of the former and current colonial powers? Analysis of threats and risks from one side is only half the job. The second half is the presence of elements of the <em>National Security System</em> of each country, which must work on prevention, and elimination of the consequences of the actions of the bearers of security threats, as well as on the suppression of the bearers themselves. For the successful functioning of the <em>National Security System</em>, it is necessary to develop a “<em>System</em>” of education in the field of <em>Security Studies</em> based on <em>Security Science.</em></p> Darko Trifunovic Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 98 108 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.231 Cybercrime and dark web in Africa https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/278 <p>The widespread availability of smart devices and internet access has radically transformed the continent’s cybersecurity landscape. However, this sudden technological change was not accompanied by the development of a robust cybersecurity infrastructure. State actors, economic operators, and the population were unprepared for the risks associated with new technology. Criminals have taken advantage of this situation, resulting in various types of cyberattacks against actors in economic life, state institutions, critical infrastructures, and the population. The author hypothesized that there is a correlation between cybercrime rates and dark web usage in African countries. To test this hypothesis, quantitative data was collected on internet penetration, cybercrime statistics, and dark web usage.</p> <p>The analysis of the collected data confirmed the hypothesis that there is a correlation between a country's use of the dark web and the severity of cybercrime.</p> Attila Gulyás Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 109 129 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.278 External Intervention in the Ethiopia-Tigray Conflict and Its Implications on Conflict Resolution and Political Stability https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/295 <p><em>The Ethiopia-Tigray conflict unleashed devastating consequences on the Horn of Africa sub-region, entailing widespread humanitarian suffering and security concerns. Through a comprehensive analysis of historical, political, and socio-economic factors, this paper investigates the impact of external intervention on either exacerbating or resolving the conflict. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, including interviews, scholarly articles, and reports, this paper examines the various forms of external intervention employed during the course of the Tigray conflict. By critically assessing the effectiveness and limitations of these interventions, we provide valuable insights into their role in shaping the trajectory of the conflict. Based on the findings, this paper concludes that external intervention in the Tigray conflict has had mixed results. While certain interventions have contributed to de-escalation and the provision of humanitarian assistance, others have inadvertently fuelled tensions and perpetuated the conflict. In light of these findings, this paper recommends prioritising diplomatic efforts that include dialogue and negotiation processes, taking into account the legitimate concerns and grievances of all parties involved.</em></p> Olileanya Amuche Ezugwu Moses Duruji Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 130 147 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.295 Winning the War and Losing the Peace: An Analysis of Counter Boko Haram Terrorism in Northeast Nigeria https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/292 <p><strong>Abstract</strong></p> <p>This paper examines the multifaceted challenges and complexities surrounding the Nigerian government's counter-terrorism efforts. The study delves into the paradoxical situation of "winning the war but losing the peace," wherein the Nigerian military has achieved significant successes in degrading the operational capacity of Boko Haram, yet has struggled to establish a sustainable peace. It draws on various primary and secondary sources to analyze the historical context, socio-political dynamics, and strategic aspects of the counter-terrorism campaign. It evaluates both the military's kinetic operations and non-kinetic initiatives implemented to address the root causes of Boko Haram's rise, focusing on their effectiveness and limitations. It highlights the unintended consequences of military-centric strategies, including alleged human rights issues, displacement of populations, and exacerbation of grievances. It underscores the importance of a holistic approach that integrates military efforts with long-term socio-economic development, community engagement, and judiciary and security sector reforms to prevent the resurgence of extremism. In analyzing the complex interplay between security, development, and governance, the study contributes to the understanding of the intricate challenges that emerge when addressing terrorism issues in a fragile state context. It emphasizes the need for a nuanced, context-specific approach that goes beyond short-term military gains to ensure sustainable peace and stability. The findings of this study hold implications not only for Nigeria but also for other nations facing similar challenges, providing insights into the delicate balance between winning the war against terrorism and securing a lasting peace.</p> <p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Terrorism, Counterterrorism, Sustainable Peace, Kinetic Operations, Human rights abuse, Displacement.</p> Dr Ugwumba EGBUTA Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 148 168 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.292 From GIA to the Islamic State (IS): De-radicalization as countering violent extremism strategy in Algeria https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/275 <p>Terrorism is not new to Algeria, it had a long history, which dating back to the early 80'. In fact, Islamic extremism in Algeria have indeed existed before the cancellation of the electoral process at the beginning of 1992. Following a series of deadly domestic terrorist attacks in 1990s, the Algerian government started developing robust counterterrorism and deradicalization methods comprising both military and non-military measures (commonly known as hard and soft approaches), to de-radicalize terrorists and insurgents across the country. Besides traditional security, military, and law-enforcement attempts to capture, jail, or eliminate terrorists, the Algerian government also launched a parallel strategy to combat the ideological justifications for violent radicalism and extremism within Algeria including a truce, a reconciliation process, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration programs by engaging non-state actors such as civil society, and zawiyyas, as well as investing in development. Today, Algeria, with its combination of a soft and hard approach, provides a successful example of how to neutralize terrorism after having defeated various terrorist groups between 1993 and 2003 and overseen a transition from civil war to peace since then.</p> <p>This paper outlines the Algerian government’s attempts, approaches, and initiatives on combating terrorism and de-radicalization as well as analyzes their strengths and limitations. It sketches how the Algerian government, especially since mid-90', dealt, engaged, overcame, and resolves issues and problems of terrorism and extremism. The purpose of the paper is present facts and information about the Algerian experience at fighting terrorism and Algeria's long struggle in the combat of extremist and terrorist threats. The paper also assesses and analyzes the effectiveness and ineffectiveness, strengths, and weaknesses of the Algerian successive governments policies and approaches of counterterrorism.</p> Lotfi SOUR Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 169 195 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.275 Militias and Armed Conflicts in West Africa https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/308 <p><em>Militias have been&nbsp; a significant&nbsp; feature&nbsp; of&nbsp;&nbsp; many&nbsp; armed conflicts in&nbsp; Africa. Their roles have influenced the outcome of these conflicts in both time and space. While many are deliberately recruited for purposeful tasks and missions, others emerge and mobilize to protect themselves and their communities against the inhumane treatment meted out to them by other armed groups. Militias are recruited, trained, and employed by both state and non-state actors to prosecute armed conflicts.&nbsp; While some have contributed significantly to the victory of their allies many have been defeated. In both cases there have been huge loss of lives and properties and in many cases injuries to innocent civilians. Unlike the military which is professionally recruited, trained, armed, administered, and guided by doctrines, many militias are not.&nbsp; Therefore, they employ crude recruitment, operational, administrative, and logistics methods to prosecute the armed conflict. These methods have evolved and therefore have influenced their operational capabilities and outcomes. This article examines the role of militias in West African conflicts, exploring their origins, motivations, and impacts on both local populations and broader geopolitical stability.</em></p> Alex Cann Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 196 212 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.308 The Absence of Durable Solutions, The Presence of Local Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. The Case Study of Uganda’s Approach to Hosting Refugees https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/293 <p>The numbers of refugees have been increasing annually, engendering protracted refugee situations in the developing countries hosting refugees, yet with very minimal implementation of durable solutions. This intrigues the question of whether the approach of local solutions that empower protracted refugees to become resilient and self-reliant, can become a viable option to durable solutions especially in poor African countries such as Uganda? We use secondary literature and primary data collected from South Sudanese refugees in Uganda to answer this question. We argue that in the absence of granting or minimally granting refugees any of the three conventional durable solutions of repatriation, local integration and resettlement; the approach of local solutions can become an important but temporary (although long term) alternative for refugees to live relatively comfortable lives. However, this approach has to be holistically embraced and supported by various stakeholders, including the national government, local governments, international community, donors, and various nongovernmental organizations, to overcome the accompanying challenges and for the approach to succeed in empowering refugees to become resilient and self-reliant for a long time in their first asylum country and live a life outside camps or designated settlements, as they wait for any of the conventional durable solutions.</p> Samuel Opono Frank Ahimbisibwe Specioza Twinamasiko Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 213 238 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.293 Application of Business Intelligence in Kenyan SMEs https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/299 <p><em>Business Intelligence is still in its infancy stages in developing countries, particularly Kenya. Research has shown that different models are available to assess the usage and adoption of Business Intelligence (BI). In this case, the technological, organizational, and environmental (TOE) model was proposed as a suitable model for developing economies like Kenya. The study investigates how the TOE constructs affect BI adoption, the BI systems in Kenya, and whether managers influence BI adoption. The equivocal nature of the TOE framework allowed the creation of a structured interview questionnaire that was divided into two parts; the demographic profile and questions based on the TOE framework. The results demonstrated that the TOE factors led to more intensive BI adoption, but there might be a lack of awareness or technical skills to adopt advanced BI technologies. On this basis, it is recommended that managers within small- and medium-sized enterprises (SME) learn about better BI solutions and how they can leverage the advantage to enable them to stay profitable, competitive, and data driven. Further research is needed to better understand BI usage within SMEs preferably with larger and representative sample sizes and across different counties within Kenya.</em></p> Dennis Olondo Orina Andrea Tick Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-05 2025-02-05 4 3-4 239 270 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.299 RÁBA – Running Down a Dream https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/354 <p>This article aims to introduce to the reader the story of the RÁBA Hungarian machinery factory and its connections to North-Africa. As the RÁBA consortium was one of the largest industrial company in Hungary from the beginning of the 20th century, it surely has a long history with Africa to be told. The article firstly gives a historical review of the company, then it turns to describe the role of the machinery factory in the international trade and then the life of the famous Mr. Ede Horváth (CEO of RÁBA), a relative of the author gets to be examined. The article then takes every era of Egyptian politics (the Infitāh with Sadat, the Mubarak years), and continues to describe the business the company made with the country. After concluding the findings, there is an interesting appendix with the memoirs of the author which colours lively the experiences and thoughts of the author. The theme is very actual and with its interesting forms and stories that it includes is more than recommended for the reader. The article’s aim finally is to give a comprehensive picture about the Soviet era’s businesses between Hungary and Africa, which it surely describes well enough.</p> Borbála Horváth Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 273 294 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.354 Challenges and Opportunities in Malawian Education: Focusing on Teacher Training https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/303 <p>The primary education system in Malawi experienced significant changes, especially since the abolition of school fees in 1994, which resulted in an instant surge in enrolments. However, access improvements have not translated into substantial gains in educational quality. The primary education sector in Malawi is still under constant pressure and facing numerous challenges. The most important factors that need attention are the inadequate infrastructure, high pupil-teacher ratios and the lack of trained teachers. Financial constraints, such as allocating budgets to teacher salaries and inefficiencies in using School Improvement Grants (SIGs), further hinder progress. Systematic challenges are related to expenditure allocations, educational outcomes and service deliveries.</p> <p>Despite these challenges, there are opportunities to improve educational outcomes through targeted interventions. In-service training programs, like the Primary School Improvement Program (PSIP) and Technology-Assisted Learning (TAL), have demonstrated some positive impacts, especially in enhancing teacher practices and learning environments. Practical teacher training and ICT integration catalyse change in a resource-constrained environment.</p> <p>This paper also discusses recommendations for policy reforms, including better allocation of SIGs, optimising teacher deployment, and enhancing community involvement in school decision-making processes to evoke and strengthen ownership and responsibility outside of the school walls.</p> <p>Addressing the comprehensive inefficiencies requires a multifaceted approach that includes greater accountability in resource use, enhanced teacher support, and more equitable resource distribution across urban and rural schools. Recognising and addressing the unique challenges of the different schools in different areas is crucial. Focusing on cost-effective strategies and leveraging partnerships with international donors can also significantly reshape Malawi's education system. Ultimately, improving teacher quality and ensuring effective service delivery is essential for enhancing learning outcomes and addressing the persistent issues in the education sector in Malawi.</p> Csaba Szeremley Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 295 305 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.303 The State in North Africa after the Arab Uprisings, by Luiz Martinez https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/259 <p>There is no abstract, because its a book review.</p> Zsolt Szabó Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 306 308 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.259 Review of the book “Capital Penetration and the Peasantry in Southern and Eastern Africa - Neoliberal Restructuring” https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/297 <p><em>"Capital Penetration and the Peasantry in Southern and Eastern Africa - Neoliberal Restructuring"</em> is part of the <em>Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development</em> book series to be published in 2022. The aim of this review is to present the contents of the book and to draw attention to the significance of the essays in the volume. It also aims to provide a brief recommendation for all those experts and researchers who are interested in the evolution, development and problems of agriculture and food security in sub-Saharan Africa.</p> Szilvia Veress Juhaszné Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 309 312 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.297 Review: Africa and Its Historical and Contemporary Diasporas https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/315 <p>The volume Africa and Its Historical and Contemporary Diasporas, edited by Tunde Adeleke and Arno Sonderegger, is a fundamental collection that thoroughly examines various aspects of Africa’s historical and contemporary diasporas, particularly emphasizing their global significance. The authors adopt different approaches to exploring the diaspora's history and present-day challenges, covering economic, political, cultural, and religious factors related to the African continent and its diaspora.<br>The work plays a pioneering role in shifting the concept of diaspora beyond the history of slavery and colonization, placing it within broader, modern contexts. It is particularly important for readers interested in diaspora studies, postcolonial theories, and African history, as it provides a comprehensive understanding of African identities, cultures, and communities' roles in today’s globalized world.</p> Csaba Szeremley Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 313 318 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.315 New and Old Ideas: African Military Marxism https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/338 <p>Book Review</p> János Besenyő Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 324 325 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.338 African Solutions to African Problems https://jceeas.bdi.uni-obuda.hu/index.php/jceeas/article/view/323 <p>Eeben Barlow's third book, "The War for Africa, Conflict, Crime, Corruption &amp; Foreign Interest" gives a personal, often witty yet indisputably forthright insight into the secretive world of private military contractors in Africa. Incorporating a number of venturous endeavours in no less than ten countries of the continent, it is an accessible and entertaining read for the general public. Additionally, for academics and policymakers, the book provides a unique local perspective on the contemporary African security environment.</p> Bálint Pongrácz Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2025-02-03 2025-02-03 4 3-4 319 323 10.12700/jceeas.2024.4.3-4.323